177 Livingston Street 7th Floor Brooklyn, NY 11201 (718) 254-0700 info@bds.org




Keren Farkas – Supervising Attorney, Education Unit


Presented before

The New York City Council Committees on Public Safety

Oversight Hearing on NYPD’s School Safety’s Role and

Efforts to Improve School Climate 

November 21, 2017



My name is Keren Farkas and I am the Supervising Attorney of the Education Unit at Brooklyn Defender Services (BDS). BDS provides multi-disciplinary and client-centered criminal, family, and immigration defense, as well as civil legal services, social work support and advocacy, for over 30,000 clients in Brooklyn every year. I thank the Committee on Public Safety for holding this hearing and for providing us with the opportunity to testify.

BDS’ Education Unit provides legal representation and informal advocacy to our school-age clients. All of our clients are involved with the criminal legal or child welfare systems. A significant percentage are “over-age and under-credited,” and have been retained at least one grade. More than half of our clients are classified as students with disabilities. Nearly all of our teenage clients report at least one school suspension, oftentimes between two and six. As a legal and social work team, we work to improve our clients’ access to education. A significant portion of our advocacy relates to school discipline, special education, school reentry from incarceration and suspension, and enrollment in credit recovery and High School Equivalency programs

BDS commends the City Council for its continued attention to policing and discipline practices in our city’s schools. Since 2011, the Student Safety Act has provided invaluable insight into school practices, revealing the use of punitive discipline and police involvement at schools that, although lessening overall, continues to disproportionately impact students of color and students with disabilities. Confronted with the data from that law, city agencies, namely the DOE and NYPD, are allocating more resources to school climate reform. Although we are encouraged by the recent investments in pilot positive school-wide programs and school-based mental health services, we believe that all of our city’s schools – especially those presenting with the highest rates of suspension, calls to EMS, and arrests – need access to models, such as restorative justice practices and collaborative problem solving, that can positively address student misbehavior and lessen reliance on police. Ultimately, children should never be placed in handcuffs or be subjected to interruptions in schooling as punishment.

More School Safety Officers and More Metal Detectors are Not the Answer

BDS shares the Council’s deep concern about any violence in schools. We represent thousands of school-age youth every year and many on our staff are public school parents. However, we firmly believe that school safety officers often function to escalate disciplinary conflicts in schools, rather than de-escalating situations and making the school environment safer for all. We believe that all steps towards a positive school climate will come from increased funding, training and support for educators and school-based mental health clinicians, not criminal enforcement responses.

Keeping schools safe is a uniformly shared objective; where people diverge is how to achieve it. BDS strongly believes that increased police presence and metal detectors at school are not the solution. In fact, we believe that such efforts undermine school safety.  School policing has not been found to prevent school violence.[1] Research actually demonstrates that police presence and metal detectors can significantly decrease a student’s perception of safety at school and, in turn, lead them to make unsafe choices to protect themselves.[2]  Further, school policing criminalizes common adolescent behavior, exposing young people to the criminal legal system, making them more susceptible to future contacts and the litany of collateral consequences.[3]

Beyond its questionable efficacy in deterring school violence, a strong law enforcement presence sets a tone of distrust in a school that is not conducive to learning.  Student police interaction is linked to poor academic performance and school disengagement.[4] The data mirrors our clients’ experience. We regularly meet with young people grappling with the harmful cumulative impact of disruptions to their education due to punitive discipline and the tensions associated with law enforcement presences in schools. Repeated contacts with school safety agents at school, often for non-violent adolescent misbehavior, have damaged not only their attitudes towards school, but their attitudes about themselves and their potential.

I also urge the Council to put incidents of school violence into context. Most incidents of student misbehavior do not involve weapons or guns making shootings or incidents involving dangerous weapons are extremely rare. Adolescent behavior, including misbehavior, is a function of immaturity, disability, mental health, trauma, bullying — all of which are not issues even the most well-meaning, thoughtful school safety agent is prepared to address. Likewise, they are better addressed by a restorative/preventive approach.

Training Trusted School Staff in Crisis De-Escalation & Restorative Justice Is the Answer

Our city’s schools need to shift to a culture where school staff, not police, take the lead in addressing and preventing student misbehavior.  That shift requires a thoughtful and systematic financial investment and philosophical commitment to whole-school approaches that promote positive school climates. When schools utilize preventive, restorative approaches that focus on conflict resolution and diffusing problems early, there is an increase in both student social emotional and academic growth. [5] Research shows that comprehensive, consistent implementation of approaches, such as conflict resolution and restorative justice, is also associated with positive teacher-student and student-student relationships, vital indicators of a school culture that can foster learning and safety.[6] The programs are also linked with a reduction in school violence.[7] Increasing the amount of guidance counselors and school based mental health clinicians has similarly been associated with the same benefits to school climate and student safety.[8] These are the resources our city’s students deserve.

Notably, these approaches are found to decrease future conflict, and do so more effectively than police intervention.[9]   This change is possible because the techniques actually teach students skills about conflict resolution and critical thinking, which they can draw upon when they will undoubtedly face future disagreements with others We must not forget that children and adolescents still have developing brains. All of our clients have also experienced trauma and/or poverty that have complicated their development of coping skills. A significant portion of our clients also have emotional disabilities.  When schools rely so heavily on school safety agents to address discipline in lieu of positive behavioral approaches, we are not only missing opportunities to instill tools to support their positive development, we can exacerbate the underlying behavioral or mental health challenges.

Client Stories

Unfortunately, we continue to hear instances where School Safety Agents (SSA) unnecessarily insert themselves in situations, or school staff reflexively call upon SSA’s to intervene. Recently, a teenage client with known mental health needs did not want to speak with a school administrator and started to walk away. Seven SSA’s responded. A well-trained educator, guidance counselor or social worker could have more appropriately addressed and deescalated that situation. Another teenage client had a disagreement with a school official and raised her voice. Three SSA’s responded and escorted her to the Assistant Principal’s office. In several instances with Kindergarten and 1st grade students with known emotional disabilities, schools have called SSAs and the police to restrain the children following a tantrum.

In these situations, and the many similar ones we see clients experiences, with the right training and staffing, the school could have responded to the situation without police involvement. We believe, and the data affirm, that police responses are comparatively rare or even non-existent in schools with more privileged populations.[10] For instance, with training in Therapeutic Crisis Intervention in Schools (TCIS) or an effective behavior intervention plan, the schools could have used positive practices to help the young children manage their behavior. With the teenage students, they could have utilized guidance interventions, such as restorative circles, where both parties could actively participate in addressing and repairing the harm. By doing so, both the harmed and the harmer can feel valued and learn perspective-taking, empathy, and taking responsibility.[11] Instead, when utilizing punitive measures, we alienate the harmer, often resulting in school disengagement – a reality we repeatedly see for our clients.

School Segregation and School Climate

We also urge the Council to consider how rampant school segregation may be impacting school climate, school discipline, and access to therapeutic or restorative responses to problematic behavior. The Civil Rights Project of the University of California, Los Angeles issued a report in 2014 finding that New York City has one of the most segregated school systems in the country, and that New York State has the highest school segregation rates.[12] Ample research has confirmed a connection between race and school discipline, with Black students as much as six times more likely to be suspended as compared to their white counterparts.[13] Relatedly, certain public schools with wealthier student populations bring in donor-driven Parent-Teacher Association (PTA) budgets of more than a million dollars, allowing for substantial discretionary spending on a variety of enrichment programs and activities, while others struggle to fundraise at all.[14] This dynamic undoubtedly contributes to inequality in school discipline. Notably, both of the wealthy Upper West Side elementary school featured in The New York Times article on wealthy PTAs had zero student removals in 2015, 2016, and to date in 2017, while a nearby elementary school serving many children who live in public housing (PS 191) reported 38, according to DOE data.

Policy Recommendations:

The City Council can play a critical role in fostering safer and more supportive school environments. We recommend that the Council enact many of the reforms called for by the Mayor’s Leadership Team on School Climate and Discipline. We focus on four today.

  1. Reduce law enforcement presences in schools

We encourage the City Council to reduce the presence of school safety agents and metal detectors in schools and reallocate the funds to positive behavioral approaches. Research not only indicates that law enforcement presence does not create safer schools; it can detract from a positive school climate and student’s social emotional and academic growth. Moreover, there are more effective methods that require increased funding.

  1. Expand positive whole-school approaches to address student behavior

We ask the city council to expand funding in whole-school positive methods, such as restorative justice practices, collaborative problem solving and therapeutic crisis intervention.  To effectively implement and realize the associated positive benefits in school climate, schools staff need training, ongoing professional development and full-time staff to facilitate whole-school adoption of the approaches and ensure staff receive ongoing coaching.

We are encouraged by the pilot programs, but want to emphasize that there are many more schools that require this investment to counter punitive school discipline tactics and overuse of police.  At BDS, we repeatedly encounter the same schools for inappropriate and overly punitive responses to student misbehavior, but none of them are on the current list of pilot schools.

  1. Expand access to school-based and school-linked behavioral health services

Particularly for our students facing the toxic stress of poverty, access to school-based or school-linked behavioral health supports is critical to student success and school safety.  We are encouraged by Thrive NYC and the Mayor’s office’s attention to mental illness, its impact on New Yorkers, and the need to invest in resources, such as a continuum of mental health resources for our city’s schools.  More funding, however, is needed to carry out the thoughtful recommendations of the Mayor’s Leadership Team on School Climate and Discipline and provide the range of staffing and services needed to ensure our city’s schools can address the root cause of misbehavior, starting with the highest need schools. We urge the city to expand financial investments to ensure our schools, particularly our highest need schools, have access to behavioral health consultants and on site mental health clinicians.

  1. Increase the number of school-based guidance counselors and licensed social workers

Guidance counselors can serve a critical role supporting students and implementing guidance interventions, including restorative practices, as an alternative to punitive discipline. Clinically trained staff, particularly LCSW’s, can serve an additional important role — particularly working with youth who have experienced trauma, which is tragically very common amongst students in our highest-need schools. Beyond supporting individual students, guidance and social work staff can facilitate successful implementation of whole school reform and supporting all staff in the undertaking.

We urge the City Council to increase staffing and training for guidance counselors.


In short, we need to foster school culture that presumptively approaches all student misbehavior as teachable moments. We urge the city to support this goal by passing legislation to support schools to do so without police intervention.

Thank you for your consideration of our comments. If you have any questions, please feel free to reach out to Andrea Nieves in my office at 718-254-0700 ext. 387 or anieves@bds.org.


[1] See, e.g., Advancement Project, A Real Fix: The Gun-Free Way to School Safety (2013).

[2] See, e.g., Matthew T. Theriot & John G. Orme, School Resource Officers and Students’ Feelings of Safety at School, 14 Youth Violence & Juv. Justice 130-146 (2016).

[3] See, e.g., Trevor Fronius, Sarah Guckenburg & Anthony Petrosino, Policing Schools Strategies: A Review of the Evaluation Evidence, 8 J. Multidisciplinary Evaluation 80-101 (2012).

[4] See, e.g., Marilyn Armour, Restorative Practices: Righting the Wrongs of Exclusionary School Discipline, 50 U. Richmond L. Rev. 999 (2016).

[5] Thalia Gonzalez, Keeping Kids in Schools: Restorative Justice, Punitive Discipline, and the School to Prison Pipeline, 41 J.L. & Educ. 281 (2012).

[6] Anne Gregory & Dewey Cornell, Authoritative School Discipline: High School Practices Associated With Lower Bullying and Victimization, 102 J. Educational Psychology 483-496 (2010).

[7] David R. Karp & Beau Breslin, Restorative Justice in School Communities, 33 Youth & Society 249-72 (2001).

[8] Randall Reback, Schools’ Mental Health Services and Young Children’s Emotions, Behavior, and Learning, 29 J. Policy Analysis & Management 698-725 (2010).

[9] Jason P. Nance, Dismantling the School-to-Prison Pipeline, 48 Ariz. State L. J. 313 (2016).

[10] American Civil Liberties Union, Bullies in Blue: The Origins and Consequences of School Policing (2017), available at https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/aclu_bullies_in_blue_4_11_17_final.pdf.

[11] Trevor Fronius et al, Restorative Justice in U.S. Schools: A Research Review, February 2016, available at https://jprc.wested.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/02/RJ_Literature-Review_20160217.pdf.

[12] John Kucsera & Gary Orfield, New York State’s Extreme School Segregation (The Civil Rights Project at UCLA 2014), available at https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/ny-norflet-report-placeholder/Kucsera-New-York-Extreme-Segregation-2014.pdf.

[13] Alia Wong, How School Suspensions Push Black Students Behind, The Atlantic, Feb. 8, 2016, available at https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2016/02/how-school-suspensions-push-black-students-behind/460305/.

[14] Kyle Spencer, Way Beyond Bake Sales: The $1 Million PTA, N.Y. Times, June 1, 2012, available at http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/03/nyregion/at-wealthy-schools-ptas-help-fill-budget-holes.html.



The MSW Intern Program at BDS currently has 20 interns from New York University, Fordham University, Columbia University, Long Island University and Hunter College schools of social work. The Program also hosts one Pinkerton intern. Interns are placed in the Adult and Adolescent Criminal , Family Defense, Immigration, Policy and Jail Services Units. Interns work interdisciplinary with our staff attorneys and social workers to address the clients’ out of court needs and support positive legal outcomes. 


Debora Silberman – Senior Trial Attorney


Written with Jared Chausow, Senior Policy Specialist

Presented before

The New York City Council Committees on Public Safety and Oversight & Investigations

Oversight Hearing on the Office of the Inspector General for the NYPD

November 15, 2017

My name is Debora Silberman and I am a Senior Trial Attorney at Brooklyn Defender Services. BDS provides multi-disciplinary and client-centered criminal, family, and immigration defense, as well as civil legal services, social work support and advocacy, for over 30,000 clients in Brooklyn every year. I thank the Committees on Public Safety and Oversight and Investigations for holding this hearing on the Office of the Inspector General (OIG) for the New York Police Department (NYPD) and providing us with the opportunity to testify.

A number of recent high-profile corruption and misconduct scandals demonstrate continued systemic problems at the NYPD. Recent bribery allegations involving both senior leadership staff and the gun licensing division have rightly attracted a lot of media attention. Today, I will discuss additional issues that have not received as much attention, and warrant scrutiny by NYPD-OIG and the Council.

Racial Disparities in Law Enforcement

Sharp racial disparities persist in NYPD enforcement practices. Arguably the clearest evidence of this dynamic exists in marijuana possession arrest patterns. Contrary to past media reports, low-level marijuana arrests have not ended. In fact, though arrest rates have declined since their peak under Mayor Bloomberg and NYPD Commissioner Kelly, they remain dramatically higher than they were during Mayor Giuliani’s first term. Low-level marijuana possession remained the NYPD’s top drug arrest in 2016, and fourth most common arrest overall. From 2014 through 2016, 86% of the 60,990 of those charged with low-level marijuana possession across New York City were identified as Black and/or Latino, despite government surveys showing equal or greater marijuana use by white people. A report by the Drug Policy Alliance (DPA) found that the NYPD had arrested 362 people in West Harlem for this offense, yet only 14 in the Upper East Side, which has more than three and a half times as many residents. The report also found that people of color were far more likely to be arrested for this offense even in majority-white neighborhoods.[1] None of this is surprising to me. In my nearly seven years as a public defender, I have never represented a white person on a marijuana charge.

Importantly, 64% of U.S. residents, including a majority of Republicans, support full legalization of marijuana consumption – no arrests, no prosecution, no tickets or fines.[2] BDS supports DPA’s campaign to legalize and sensibly regulate marijuana in New York State and we do not believe any additional investigations or reports are needed to justify this long overdue reform. However, OIG-NYPD could use marijuana arrests as a launch point to investigate racial disparities in NYPD enforcement practices generally, as they are similarly present in arrests for fare evasion, sex work, and countless other offenses.


Police Perjury, or ‘Testilying’

A recent New York Times article begins, “A federal judge in Brooklyn has told the city to prepare for a court hearing regarding the prevalence of lying by New York City police officers and whether the New York Police Department has done too little to discipline officers who testify falsely.”[3] As a public defender, I can assure you that such lying is prevalent and the NYPD has made no recognizable efforts to meaningfully address it. Likewise, the imbalance of power in the criminal legal system that pressures defendants to accept plea deals rather than go to trial also enables prosecutors to provide cover for police perjury, or “testilying,” by making offers that defendants all-but-cannot refuse.

The judge cited in the article was the highly-regarded Hon. Jack B. Weinstein of Federal District Court in Brooklyn. The case in which the judge issued this decision involved a 59 year-old bodega cashier charged with drug dealing. He had been fully strip-searched in addition to being arrested and detained before the case against him fell apart as surveillance video showed the arresting officers’ account was false.

I have ample experience fighting police lying in court. As but one example, in 2014, I represented a man named Jeffrey Herring who was arrested for gun possession. (I am using his real name because his story was featured in the New York Times and because he has been cleared of wrongdoing, his case dismissed.) Mr. Herring insisted the gun was planted by the police and his story never wavered. After receiving a letter from the District Attorney’s office on the day before a hearing with notice that one of the officers had previously been found incredible as a matter of law by a judge in Brooklyn Supreme Court, my colleague and I started to dig deeper. We discovered that the same team of arresting officers had troubling records of misconduct and false testimony relating to gun arrests with near-identical facts. They adhered to a pattern involving an apparently fictitious informant, as they did in my case. We discovered several more cases in which the same arresting officers were involved in gun possession cases that fell apart under scrutiny.

We were able to get the case against Mr. Herring dismissed and the Kings County District Attorney’s office announced an investigation into the officers. Yet even after The New York Times reported on the apparent trend in misconduct by these officers and the trail of dismissed cases they left behind, the discredited officers remained on the force. They continued testifying as witnesses for the prosecution, still apparently adhering to the same basic pattern of perjury and evidence-tampering. A public defender with The Legal Aid Society working on another case they brought in had to learn about their unreliability through The New York Times article.[4] The District Attorney’s investigation had apparently ended and, as far as I know, the officers remain on the force. We believe the Brooklyn District Attorney continues to rely on them. The Council should also know that the new Gun Courts, designed to pressure faster and harsher pleas with longer jail sentences for cases involving alleged gun possession, are likely only exacerbating this phenomenon.

Of course, testilying is not limited to gun possession cases. I have fought it in countless other cases involving planted drugs, illegal searches, and other misconduct. In fact, I believe fabricated pretexts of marijuana use (i.e. by smell) and traffic infractions, which are generally difficult or impossible to disprove in court, have replaced stop-and-frisk as the primary mechanism for police searches.

Policing Communities Through So-Called “Gang” Raids

The NYPD’s enforcement actions against so-called “gangs” raise so many issues that they warrant a separate hearing by the Council, in addition to an investigation by the OIG-NYPD BDS, along with law professors, community activists, civil rights attorneys and others, signed on to a April 2017 letter on this subject written by policing expert and Brooklyn College sociology professor Alex Vitale to Philip Eure of the OIG-NYPD. The letter noted, in short:

Over the last several years, hundreds of people have been arrested and charged with state conspiracy or federal RICO violations as a result of NYPD investigations. In many cases, individuals are charged with conspiracy to commit murder or other violent crimes absent allegations of direct involvement, raising substantial concerns about arrest and prosecutions based on guilt by association rather than actual involvement in violent crimes. Media reports indicate that many of these cases are built at least in part on police monitoring of social media accounts and the creation of fake social media accounts to lure others to “befriend” them, giving police access to otherwise private information. Many of those targeted by these practices are juveniles and almost all of them are non-white. We have also become aware through press reports and Freedom of Information requests that the NYPD is using one or more databases to classify and track people as gang members. In addition, the defense bar reports that the NYPD is utilizing large data mining software such as Palantir and sharing that information with federal law enforcement agencies [almost certainly including immigration authorities]. We also understand that these investigations involve substantial electronic surveillance of people including access to CCTV data in public housing complexes, wiretaps, and possibly the use of Stingray technology. The individuals being prosecuted pursuant to these raids are facing lengthy prison sentences.

We are concerned that gang designations further alienate people who are already marginalized in society and may ultimately be counterproductive to public safety. Crucially, a previously FOILed document used by the NYPD to identify people as members of a gang included no past criminal conduct in its listed criteria, but rather their neighborhood, scars, associations and other loose categorizations. In our letter, we further ask for an investigation into how the NYPD uses its gang databases, or designations. Specifically, we asked how people are selected to be placed in the database, whether and how they may challenge it, and how it is used to direct enforcement actions, in addition to other questions. We believe the NYPD’s gang classifications are likely to be overinclusive and inaccurate, like the stop-and-frisk practices that have been found unconstitutional. However, as internal records, they have not, to my knowledge, been subjected to any judicial review.

We are particularly concerned that arbitrary or unfair gang classifications may be shared with immigration authorities. Recently, four individuals were arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) at Brooklyn Criminal Court. They were appearing in court on Desk Appearance Tickets relating for misdemeanor trespass charges after police allegedly found them hanging out on a rooftop, and three had no criminal records, but ICE justified its courthouse arrests by purporting that the four were members of a gang.

Again, I ask the Council to hold a separate hearing on this crucial issue.

Arrests Outside Methadone Clinic and Needle Exchange

For many years, the NYPD has targeted areas surrounding methadone clinics and needle exchanges for enforcement and harassment. This is widely known in public health circles, and police have discussed reforms, yet aggravatingly, it persists.[5] Often, the arrests involve deceptive buy-and-busts or other predatory tactics that sometimes result in serious charges against people who are actively and even successfully turning their lives around. Furthermore, it is impossible to know how many people have shied away from medication-assisted treatment and other widely-accepted and publicly-funded harm reduction resources due to fear of police presence. It appears that NYPD uses these resources as a tool in the so-called Drug War. Importantly, there is no evidence that prohibition policies and police intervention actually reduce drug supplies, whereas the harm reduction resources they are infringing upon have been proven to save lives.

Relatedly, the opioid epidemic has shone a spotlight on one critical but underreported impact of marijuana arrests. Research funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse found that legally protected marijuana dispensaries were associated with reductions of 16 to 31 percent in opioid overdose deaths.[6] By comparison, the Mayor’s opioid overdose prevention initiative, HealingNYC seeks to reduce opioid deaths by 35 percent over the next 5 years, in large part through stepped up NYPD enforcement. Other experts have argued that the criminalization of marijuana led to the over-prescription and over-use of opioids and eventually the epidemic that we are struggling to address today. Simply put, marijuana seems to be a safer alternative to opioids in pain management, but criminalization undercuts that benefit.

Both the Council and the OIG should investigate the NYPD’s continued execution of the Drug War and, more generally, our City’s allocation of resources to reduce addiction and problematic drug use.

Thank you for your consideration of our comments. If you have any questions, please feel free to reach out to Jared Chausow in my office at 718-254-0700 ext. 382 or jchausow@bds.org.

[1] Harry Levine, 60,000 Jim Crow Marijuana Arrests in Mayor De Blasio’s New York (Drug Policy Alliance & Marijuana Arrest Research Project 2017), https://www.drugpolicy.org/sites/default/files/Marijuana-Arrests-NYC–Unjust-Unconstitutional–July2017_2.pdf.

[2] Justin McCarthy, Record-High Support for Legalizing Marijuana Use in U.S. Gallup News, Oct. 25, 2017, http://news.gallup.com/poll/221018/record-high-support-legalizing-marijuana.aspx.

[3] Joseph Goldstein, Brooklyn Judge Seeks to Examine Prevalence of Police Lying N.Y. Times, Oct. 17, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/17/nyregion/brooklyn-judge-police-perjury-nypd.html.

[4] Nick Pinto, The Incredibles: Judges Said These Cops Can’t Be Trusted, so Why Does the D.A. Rely on Them?,  Village Voice, Nov. 1, 2016, https://www.villagevoice.com/2016/11/01/the-incredibles-judges-said-these-cops-cant-be-trusted-so-why-does-the-d-a-rely-on-them/.

[5] John Knefel, The Common Cure for Heroin Addiction is Also a Magnet for Police Harassment, Buzzfeed, Feb. 19, 2015, available at https://www.buzzfeed.com/johnknefel/how-police-harassment-at-methadone-clinics-makes-quitting-he?utm_term=.rj94qpORg#.ekNOjm12P; see also VOCAL-NY, Beyond Methadone: Improving Health and Empowering Patients in Opioid Treatment Programs (2011), available at http://www.vocal-ny.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/Final-Methadone-Report1.pdf.

[6] National Institute on Drug Abuse, Study Links Medical Marijuana Dispensaries to Reduced Mortality From Opioid Overdose NIDA (2016), https://www.drugabuse.gov/news-events/nida-notes/2016/05/study-links-medical-marijuana-dispensaries-to-reduced-mortality-opioid-overdose (last visited May 30, 2017).



In conjunction with the release of Vera’s report on NYIFUP and the announcement of their SAFE Cities Network, Vox published an explainer on the project. Simply put, when people facing deportation in immigration court are given an attorney, they are much more likely to win their case. For every twelve immigrants winning their deportation cases in New York’s immigration court, eleven would have been deported without a lawyer. Hear our client Omar Siagha’s story here.